IN PRAISE OF HATE SPEECH; The Cartoon War and the Heckler’s Veto

A couple years ago, I was sitting on the beach at Rehoboth, talking to a lawyer friend about a First Amendment case he was handling, and apropos of our conversation, I said, “Thank God we live in a country where it’s not a crime to call somebody a nigger.”

He thought about that, and looked at me funny.

“C’mon, Bob,” I said. “Would you want to live in a place where it was illegal to stand in the courtyard at City Hall and yell ‘The first thing we have to do is kill all the Jews.’”

He didn’t answer. He was thinking, as he sometimes does. Then, as luck would have it, a very healthy 20-year-old girl in an abbreviated bathing costume strolled past on her way to the surf, and he seemed to lose interest in my question. My attention may have wandered as well. By the time we were through examining the evidence, my First Amendment question had been forgotten.

But it’s an important question, especially in light of the war breaking out over the Muhammed cartoons. Should it be a crime to use the word “nigger,” or demand that Jews be killed? In other words, should “hate speech” be protected by the First Amendment?

Most Americans understand that the First Amendment makes us different from the rest of the world, even from other democracies with traditions of free speech and freedom of the press. One obvious difference is that free speech in America is rooted in our constitution, which trumps all other law. The British Parliament could pass a law tomorrow that would put all newspapers under government control. If the US Congress did such a thing, however, the law would be nullified as unconstitutional by the first (and every subsequent) federal judge to review it.

Nationalizing the press is an extreme example, of course, and there is no chance the British Parliament is going to do it. In a democracy lacking an overarching body of law like the First Amendment, however, the boundaries of free speech are always subject to political fashion and the whim of the legislature. And in fact, elected bodies in other countries regularly nibble away at speech rights in ways our constitution and our Supreme Court do not permit. Free speech law, as outlined by our courts over the last two hundred years, is marked by bright lines that neither Congress nor the states can cross. One of these bright lines of particular significance to hate speech laws (and the Danish cartoon war), is the “heckler’s veto,” a legal doctrine unique to the United States.

In the case of Terminiello v. Chicago, in 1949, a lecturer was arrested for a breach of the peace when an angry crowd gathered outside the auditorium where he was speaking. The trial judge told the jury that under a Chicago ordinance, it could convict the speaker if he had engaged in speech that “stirs the public to anger, invites dispute, brings about a condition of unrest or creates a disturbance….” On review, the US Supreme Court reversed the conviction and ruled the ordinance unconstitutional. Speech is protected, the Court wrote, BECAUSE “it induces a condition of unrest, creates dissatisfaction with conditions as they are, or even stirs people to anger.”

Speech may legally be restricted for many reasons. You can’t hold an anti-war rally on Broad Street on January 1, when the mummers are parading, because that would be an “unreasonable time and place.” Some speech content (i.e., kiddie porn, national security secrets) is not only unprotected, it is actually criminal. Under Terminiello, however, the only reason speech rights may not be limited is that the speech will offend people, or even enrage them. To limit offensive speech because it offends is to give the heckler a veto over speech that annoys him. In fact, it encourages the heckler to become violent and breach the peace, because then the speaker will be punished. The rule of Terminiello is that we punish the violent heckler, but we do not punish the speaker.

The reasoning of the Terminiello case is that once you start banning speech because it offends, eventually you grant control of all discourse to the most sensitive, irrational and violent elements in society. Opening this door creates a “slippery slope” to repression. Though you begin by punishing nazis and racists, you move swiftly to jailing artists like Andres Serrano (“Piss Christ”) and newspaper editors who publish Muhammed cartoons. Ultimately, you lock up the guy who says, “Ya know, women can do a lot of things, but I still think the best firefighters are men.”

Though Terminiello is settled law (a “super-precedent,” as Arlen Specter would say), the rule of the “heckler’s veto” is not universally loved or respected, and there are plenty of folks who would ban what they view as “hate speech” if they could get away with it.

In the last twenty-five years, over 90% of colleges and universities in the United States have enacted speech codes or sexual harassment codes that ban “offensive” speech or speech that “demeans, provokes or subordinates” any person. A private university like Harvard or Bob Jones may legally do such a thing, but a public university like Temple or Penn State or Michigan is legally viewed as an arm of the government and is subject to the First Amendment.

When a student runs afoul of these rules with speech deemed “offensive” or “harassing” by college administrators, litigation often ensues. Currently, there are lawsuits all over the country. In fact, there is now a non-profit organization, the Foundation For Individual Rights In Education (“FIRE”), that provides legal assistance to students or faculty members who are punished for constitutionally-protected speech. FIRE never loses these cases.

Dozens of examples, including those that don’t reach the litigation stage, can be found at FIRE’s website, www.thefire.org. Here are a few:

***Cal-Poly, 2002. Student Steven Hinkle posted a flier in the campus Multicultural Center advertising a College-Republican-sponsored speech by Mason Weaver, author of It’s OK To Leave The Plantation. The flier displayed only the title of the book, the time and place of the event, and a picture of the author, an African-American. After some black students objected the poster was offensive, Hinkle, following a seven-hour hearing before the Cal-Poly Judicial Affairs Office, was ordered to write letters of apology to the offended students or face “severe penalties.”

***Central Michigan U, 2001. In October 2001, an administrator ordered a number of students to remove various patriotic displays (American flags, eagles, etc.) from their dormitory because the displays were offensive.

***Holy Cross, 2001. In October 2001, the chairman of the sociology department ordered a secretary’s American flag display removed from the office. The flag was in memory of her friend Todd Beamer, who fought and died on United flight 93 over Pennsylvania on 9-11.

***San Diego State, 2001. In September 2001, Zewdalem Kebede witnessed a group of Saudi Arabian students loudly expressing their delight at the success of the terrorist attacks. Kebede spoke to them in Arabic, condemning their opinions and bad taste. When the students complained, Kebede was subjected to a disciplinary hearing and issued a formal “letter of admonishment” in which he was told to avoid similar confrontations or face “severe disciplinary measures.”

***William Patterson U, 2005. Jihad Daniel, a Muslim student and employee of the college, received a mass email from Professor Arlene Scala promoting a showing of a film described as “a lesbian relationship story.” He replied privately to the professor, asking that he not be sent any mail about “Connie and Sally” or “Adam and Steve” because his religion viewed these relationships as “perversions.” Mr. Daniel received an official letter of reprimand in his employment file noting his violation of sexual harassment regulations.

***U of New Hampshire, 2004. Timothy Garneau posted fliers in the elevators of his dormitory suggesting that women could lose the “freshman 15” (weight gained the first year of college) by taking the stairs. Charged with “acts of dishonesty, violation of affirmative action policy and harassment,” Garneau was expelled from student housing, given disciplinary probation, required to meet with a psychological counselor and write a 3000-word essay about it, and further required to submit a letter of apology to the student newspaper.

***U of Cal-Irvine, 2004. Members of the College Republicans staged an Affirmative Action Bake Sale to dramatize the unfairness of affirmative action programs. Prices for donuts were based on the race and sex of the consumer, with white males paying a dollar, Hispanics 75 cents, and blacks 50 cents. A spirited discussion ensued, until the Dean of Students stopped the sale, claiming it violated student regulations on discrimination. College Republican groups have set up these sales at universities around the country, and were also shut down at Illinois State and SMU. At DePaul, the students were charged with violating the school’s harassment policy.

Another tactic used by college administrations to silence views they dislike is to allow, or even encourage, radical students to do the silencing by means of vandalism, theft, or other violence. At the University of Colorado, for example, an affirmative action bake sale ended when, with campus police in attendance, counter-demonstrators were permitted to rip down signs and overturn tables, without opposition or consequences.

In 2005, at Washington State University, student playwright Chris Lee produced his play, “Passion Of The Musical,” and advertised it widely as “offensive or inflammatory to all audiences.” During one performance, a group of forty protesters repeatedly stood up, shouted they were offended, and threatened audience members and the cast. When Lee finally stopped the play and asked campus security to remove the protesters, they refused his request. Evidence later surfaced that the Washington State Office For Campus Involvement had bought forty tickets for the protesters with university funds and had helped organize the disruption.

A common tactic for radical students is to steal the entire press run of a student newspaper containing “offensive” (i.e., politically conservative) material. Typically, the thieves are never punished. In fact, the theft is sometimes defended by administrators and professors as itself being an exercise of free speech. Again, these incidents are found across the country at a wide variety of institutions. A few that garnered significant press coverage were at Berkeley, UNC-Wilmington, U Mass, Loyola Marymount, Boston College, Morehead State, and Oregon State. FIRE has received reports on hundreds of such events.

It may be tempting to attribute these cases to a few ignorant zealots who happen to be college administrators, but in fact, they happen regularly across the country, in small schools and large, in red states and blue. Also, even when the light is shone on the suppression of speech at an institution supposedly dedicated to intellectual freedom, schools rarely back down. They litigate. They fight these complaints, spending many thousands on lawyers and thousands more on settlements and judgments. But even after they lose, the speech codes remain.

Illegal speech codes grew out of a misreading of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, federal laws that prohibit real harassment in the workplace and on campus. Because of this misunderstanding, and because of their own political views, the people who run our universities came to believe they were permitted, or even required, to regulate offensive speech. While it seems unlikely anyone could still believe this, the speech codes are now in place and there is strong support for them on most campuses.

University speech codes illustrate the “slippery slope” in full regalia. Federal laws designed to prevent the most severe, persistent, frightening sort of harassment (the equivalent of “stalking” under state laws), have morphed into an Orwellian system of oppression.

Thus, expressing one’s religious view that homosexuality is immoral becomes a hate crime. Poking fun at affirmative action policies results in disciplinary hearings and punishment. American flags get ripped from dormitory walls a month after 9-11. Once the door is opened to the notion that speech can be banned because someone is offended by it, no speech is safe. All variety of commentary becomes subject to the heckler’s veto.

American universities will eventually get the message that their speech codes are illegal, but in nations without a First Amendment (i.e., everywhere else), and without a Terminiello case, there is no particular reason to tolerate speech the majority deems hateful. And since, as a matter of practical politics, there is no organized constituency in favor of the most offensive speech, it is often banned.

In 1998, an Ontario man was convicted of a hate crime for distributing pamphlets about Islam. The offending pamphlet (truthfully) listed atrocities committed in the name of Allah, and urged the reader to be careful in dealing with Canadian Muslims.

More recent Canadian law has criminalized the public disapproval of homosexuality. In 2001, Hugh Owens placed an ad in the Saskatoon Star Phoenix in which a drawing of two males holding hands was overlaid with a red circle and a diagonal bar. The ad also referenced (but did not quote) four Bible passages that condemn homosexuality. Mr. Owens and the newspaper were fined $4500 under the Saskatchewan Human Rights Code, and the ruling was upheld by the Queen’s Bench, where a Justice Barclay wrote that “the advertisement can objectively be seen as exposing homosexuals to hatred or ridicule.” And under Canadian law, that’s all that matters. In another recent case from Ontario (not a speech case), a printer (a Christian) was fined $5000 for refusing a job printing letterhead for a gay advocacy group.

Hate speech laws are also found throughout Europe.

Shortly after Muslims carried out bomb attacks in London in 2005, a German man printed up toilet paper with the word “Koran” on every sheet, then sent the rolls to TV stations and mosques. He was given a one-year prison sentence, which will be followed by 300 hours of community service. I

In an odd English case, the Mayor of London was brought before the Adjudication Panel For England over a heated exchange he had with a reporter for the Evening Standard, a paper the Mayor despises. The Mayor asked the reporter (a Jew) if he had been a German war criminal and compared him to a concentration camp guard. The result was a four-week suspension for the Mayor, who will also have to pay legal fees of $175,000.

In Sweden, the Rev. Aake Green was sentenced to a month in prison for a sermon denouncing homosexuality as “a cancer on society.” After a yearlong appeal, the conviction was overturned and the pastor remains free, but the prosecution has announced plans for a further appeal, which will include a demand for a longer sentence.

Though the Rev. Green may escape punishment for his remarks from the pulpit, the effect of such laws on speech was apparent in his post-appeal statement to the press. “I’ll go on preaching as usual but I won’t be dedicating so much time to this issue,” he said. (This “chilling effect,” under US law, is why even an unsuccessful attempt to censor speech, or a rarely-enforced speech code, is actionable. On February 22, 2006, the Alliance Defense Fund filed a lawsuit against Penn State over its speech code in which the plaintiff is a student who has never been disciplined by the university for his speech, though others have been.)

The most widespread hate-speech laws are those banning public display of nazi symbols or denial of the holocaust. There are ten such countries in Europe (France, Belgium, Switzerland, Germany, Austria, Romania, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Lithuania and Poland.) In addition, there are other countries (e.g., Canada and the U.K.) that do not explicitly ban holocaust denial, but do so under broader laws against inciting racial hatred.

On February 20, 2006, a British historian named David Irving was sentenced to three years in prison by an Austrian court for denying the holocaust in a 1989 publication (in England). The prosecutor is appealing the sentence as too lenient since the 1992 Austrian law provides for a sentence of up to ten years.

There is solid support for hate speech laws, of various kinds, across Europe. In fact, the EU bureaucracy is currently engaged in writing regulations to ban various forms of offensive speech on the internet. It is against this backdrop that the Danish cartoon war erupted.

The protests began with boycotts of Danish dairy products in Arabian countries and quickly progressed to riots, embassy-burning and blood in the streets. As the violence escalated, there were repeated demands that the government of Denmark, and other countries, apologize. And some government officials did, but not the Prime Minister of Denmark. Anders Fogh Rasmussen, though noting that burning a Koran would be a crime in Denmark, claimed the Danish government could do nothing about the cartoons because it did not control the press. In other words, the Danish government had nothing to do with it, so how could they apologize?

Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the Hitler-wannabe who is now President of Iran, in one of his more rational moments, hit the nail squarely on the noggin: “How can the insulting of the prophet of Muslims worldwide be justified within the framework of press freedom, but investigating the fairy tale holocaust is not?”

And he’s got a point, doesn’t he? In Europe, they’re trying to keep skinheads off the internet, they fine the elected mayor of a great city because he insults a reporter, they lock up a historian because he denied the holocaust in a different country three years before a law was passed saying you can’t deny the holocaust, and they want to put a preacher in jail for quoting Leviticus on Sunday morning. SO WHAT ABOUT US? WE’RE PISSED TOO! WHAT ABOUT OUR DAMN PROPHET??? Now, suddenly, you’re claiming there’s some free speech principle involved? Since when did YOU ever bother about free speech?

The Muslims are correct this time. There is no reasonable basis upon which Denmark or any other European country can stand on principle, because they recognize no such principle. If speech is offensive, it is banned, and speakers go to jail. Putting aside the issue of how much of the rioting is actually government-sponsored, there’s no question that Muslims are genuinely annoyed by the graphic depiction, especially in a negative light, of their prophet, so why aren’t the cartoonists eating out of tin cups? If some kid at Duesseldorf U. put a swastika in his dorm window, the Germans would treat him like Sherman treated Georgia. Once you begin banning offensive speech, you’re going to encounter some sensitive people (like Muslims), and you will have to accommodate them. When you allow the heckler a veto, you may be unpleasantly surprised by how many hecklers there are and how easily they are offended.

Europe’s failure to protect hate speech left an opening for the growing Muslim population there to exploit, and this particular battle in the culture war was over before it started, with Western freedom exposed as an illusion. European governments and journalists had no idea how to respond because they weren’t sure what they believed in, so many governments and newspapers apologized to the Muslim world. What newspaper now will publish words or pictures (even truthful ones) that will enrage the Muslim population? Those that do not censor themselves can expect no protection from the law; in fact, they may themselves be arrested for offending the rabble.

Apart from the freedom that disappears when a people fail to understand the importance of protecting hate speech, the cartoon war illustrates another danger of permitting the heckler a veto. As the Terminiello court pointed out, the peril for society is that the loudest and most violent hecklers will rule.

It may seem polite or civilized or politically-correct to ban speech that may offend one group or another, but this impulse is extremely shortsighted. What happens when groups of “victims” disagree over what speech is offensive? What will happen in Europe, for example, when an imam calls for the silencing of gay advocacy groups because their views are an affront to Allah? Homosexuals are executed in some Muslim countries; what happens when the faithful demand the same in Europe? It is one thing to lock up an elderly small-town Swedish pastor for condemning homosexuality, but would the Europeans do the same to a Muslim preacher who said far worse? An Iranian university just held an academic conference on the “myth” of the holocaust. Suppose someone decided to launch such an event in France?

When conflicts like this arise, the only method of resolving it will be to accede to the wishes of those who are most offended (i.e., the loudest). Since there is no principle involved other than a “right” not to have one’s (subjective) feelings wounded, those with the strongest feelings should prevail. And can anyone doubt that the winners of the rage-fest will be followers of Islam?

America, however, is different. America is better. Here, at least some people understand that if we want any freedom at all, we must accept the possibility we will sometimes be offended by other people’s exercise of it. It’s our law. It’s our tradition. “F*** em if they can’t take a joke” might as well be written in the Constitution. Several years ago, Andres Serrano’s “Piss Christ” was displayed in a public museum. The sculpture, a statue of Jesus immersed in a plastic case filled with the artist’s own urine, was deeply upsetting to many (perhaps most) people in this very Christian nation, but I remember no one calling for the suppression of this work. The only issue, discussed endlessly on TV and radio and in editorials, was whether artists like Mr. Serrano should receive public funding. Ban Muhammed cartoons? Ban offensive speech? Give me a break. Americans (outside of academia) don’t know how to think like that.

As Europe descends into oppression, we can be thankful that free speech, especially hate speech, survives here. America is still a place where you can say any damn thing you please. Maybe you’ll get punched in the nose for it, and maybe you should get punched in the nose for it, but you won’t get arrested. Or silenced.

Copyright 2006 Michael Kubacki